开学典礼英文
开学典礼英文演讲稿【一】
good morning, students, and welcome to the university. i'd like to begin with some information about graduate student housing, and then ]'il turn this session over to dr. pauling, who will explain some of the finafieial support services we offer to graduate students.
first of all, i hope you have a smith time getting settled here. i know that finding housing is often difficult. so let me give you some information that might help you. i know that several of you have already moved into our new graduate student unit. it's located on the west side of the campus. in this build!ne, four students share dining and living rooms, kitchen, two bathrooms, and four single bedrooms, we do have a few more empty rooms, so if you're interested in moving in, let me know right away.
if you haven't visited the family-student housing complex, be sure to go take a look at it. this small community has two-bedroom unfurnished apartments.
they're on the south side of campus, near the downtown bus stop. unfortunately, ail apartments are full now, and we have a waiting list for next year. come me me ff you want to add your name to thc list. you should apply as soon as possible for next year.
if you want to live off campus and are still taking for a house, be sure to check out the off-campus housing office. you'll find a lot of rentals listed there.
now let me turn this over to dr. paulson. he will explain some things about the financial aid program.
开学典礼英文致辞【二】
president anderson, memberof the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, mold colleague, senator bobyrd, who haearned hidegree through manyearof attending night law school, while i am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladieand gentlemen:
it iwith great pride that i participate in thiceremonof the american university, sponsored bthe methodist church, founded bbishop john fletcher hurst, and first opened bpresident woodrow wilson in 1914. thiia young and growing university, but it haalreadfulfilled bishop hurst'enlightened hope for the studof historand public affairin a citdevoted to the making of historand to the conduct of the public'business. bsponsoring thiinstitution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the methodistof thiarea and the nation deserve the nation'thanks, and i commend all those who are todagraduating.
professor woodrow wilson once said that everman sent out from a universitshould be a man of hination awell aa man of hitime, and i am confident that the men and women who carrthe honor of graduating from thiinstitution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support. "there are few earthlthingmore beautiful than a university," wrote john masefield in hitribute to english universitie-- and hiwordare equalltrue today. he did not refer to toweror to campuses. he admired the splendid beautof a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance mastrive to know, where those who perceive truth mastrive to make othersee."
i have, therefore, chosen thitime and place to discusa topic on which ignorance too often aboundand the truth too rarelperceived. and that ithe most important topic on earth: peace. what kind of peace do i mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? not a pax americana enforced on the world bamerican weaponof war. not the peace of the grave or the securitof the slave. i am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makelife on earth worth living, and the kind that enablemen and nationto grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children -- not merelpeace for americanbut peace for all men and women, not merelpeace in our time but peace in all time.
i speak of peace because of the new face of war. total war makeno sense in an age where great powercan maintain large and relativelinvulnerable nuclear forceand refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. it makeno sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon containalmost ten timethe explosive force delivered ball the allied air forcein the second world war. it makeno sense in an age when the deadlpoisonproduced ba nuclear exchange would be carried bwind and water and soil and seed to the far cornerof the globe and to generationyet unborn.
todathe expenditure of billionof dollareveryear on weaponacquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them iessential to the keeping of peace. but surelthe acquisition of such idle stockpile-- which can onldestroand never create -- inot the only, much lesthe most efficient, meanof assuring peace. i speak of peace, therefore, athe necessary, rational end of rational men. i realize the pursuit of peace inot adramatic athe pursuit of war, and frequentlthe wordof the pursuerfall on deaf ears. but we have no more urgent task.
some sathat it iuselesto speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be uselesuntil the leaderof the soviet union adopt a more enlightened attitude. i hope thedo. i believe we can help them do it. but i also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, aindividualand aa nation, for our attitude iaessential atheirs. and evergraduate of thischool, everthoughtful citizen who despairof war and wisheto bring peace, should begin blooking inward, bexamining hiown attitude towardthe possibilitieof peace, towardthe soviet union , towardthe course of the cold war and towardfreedom and peace here at home.
first examine our attitude towardpeace itself. too manof uthink it iimpossible. too manthink it iunreal. but that ia dangerous, defeatist belief. it leadto the conclusion that war iinevitable, that mankind idoomed, that we are gripped bforcewe cannot control. we need not accept that view. our problemare manmade; therefore, thecan be solved bman. and man can be abig ahe wants. no problem of human destinibeyond human beings. man'reason and spirit have often solved the seeminglunsolvable, and we believe thecan do it again. i am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasieand fanaticdrea i do not denthe value of hopeand dreambut we merelinvite discouragement and incredulitbmaking that our onland immediate goal.
let ufocuinstead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institution-- on a serieof concrete actionand effective agreementwhich are in the interest of all concerned. there ino single, simple keto thipeace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted bone or two powers. genuine peace must be the product of mannations, the sum of manacts. it must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. for peace ia proces-- a waof solving problems.
with such a peace, there will still be quarreland conflicting interests, athere are within familieand nations. world peace, like communitpeace, doenot require that each man love hineighbor, it requireonlthat thelive together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputeto a just and peaceful settlement. and historteacheuthat enmitiebetween nations, abetween individuals, do not last forever. however fixed our likeand dislikemaseem, the tide of time and eventwill often bring surprising changein the relationbetween nationand neighbors. so let upersevere. peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. bdefining our goal more clearly, bmaking it seem more manageable and lesremote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibltowardit.
and second, let ureexamine our attitude towardthe soviet union . it idiscouraging to think that their leadermaactuallbelieve what their propagandistwrite. it idiscouraging to read a recent, authoritative soviet text on militarstrategand find, on page after page, whollbaselesand incredible claims, such athe allegation that american imperialist circleare preparing to unleash different typeof war, that there ia verreal threat of a preventive war being unleashed bamerican imperialistagainst the soviet union , and that the political aim-- and i quote -- "of the american imperialistare to enslave economicalland politicallthe european and other capitalist countrieand to achieve world domination bmeanof aggressive war."
truly, ait wawritten long ago: "the wicked flee when no man pursueth."
yet it isad to read these soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. but it ialso a warning, a warning to the american people not to fall into the same trap athe soviets, not to see onla distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict ainevitable, accommodation aimpossible, and communication anothing more than an exchange of threats.
no government or social system iso evil that itpeople must be considered alacking in virtue. aamericans, we find communism profoundlrepugnant aa negation of personal freedom and dignity. but we can still hail the russian people for their manachievementin science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in actof courage.
among the mantraitthe peopleof our two countriehave in common, none istronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. and no nation in the historof battle ever suffered more than the soviet union in the second world war. at least 20 million lost their lives. countlesmillionof homeand familiewere burned or sacked. a third of the nation'territory, including two thirdof itindustrial base, waturned into a wasteland -- a losequivalent to the destruction of thicountreast of chicago.
today, should total war ever break out again -- no matter how -- our two countriewill be the primartarget. it ian ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powerare the two in the most danger of devastation. all we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. and even in the cold war, which bringburdenand dangerto so mancountries, including thination'closest allies, our two countriebear the heaviest burdens. for we are both devoting massive sumof moneto weaponthat could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. we are both caught up in a viciouand dangeroucycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weaponbegetting counter-weapons. in short, both the united stateand itallies, and the soviet union and itallies, have a mutualldeep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the armrace. agreementto thiend are in the interestof the soviet union awell aours. and even the most hostile nationcan be relied upon to accept and keep those treatobligations, and onlthose treatobligations, which are in their own interest.
so let unot be blind to our differences, but let ualso direct attention to our common interestand the meanbwhich those differencecan be resolved. and if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. for in the final analysis, our most basic common link ithat we all inhabit thismall planet. we all breathe the same air. we all cherish our children'futures. and we are all mortal.
third, let ureexamine our attitude towardthe cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. we are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. we must deal with the world ait is, and not ait might have been had the historof the last 18 yearbeen different. we must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changewithin the communist bloc might bring within reach solutionwhich now seem beyond us. we must conduct our affairin such a wathat it becomein the communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. and above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powermust avert those confrontationwhich bring an adversarto a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. to adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence onlof the bankruptcof our polic-- or of a collective death-wish for the world.
to secure these ends, america'weaponare nonprovocative, carefullcontrolled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. our militarforceare committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. our diplomatare instructed to avoid unnecessarirritantand purelrhetorical hostility. for we can seek a relaxation of tensionwithout relaxing our guard. and, for our part, we do not need to use threatto prove we are resolute. we do not need to jam foreign broadcastout of fear our faith will be eroded. we are unwilling to impose our system on anunwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with anpeople on earth.
meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the united nations, to help solve itfinancial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world securitsystem -- a system capable of resolving disputeon the basiof law, of insuring the securitof the large and the small, and of creating conditionunder which armcan finallbe abolished. at the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-communist world, where mannations, all of them our friends, are divided over issuewhich weaken western unity, which invite communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. our effortin west new guinea, in the congo, in the middle east, and the indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. we have also tried to set an example for others, bseeking to adjust small but significant differencewith our own closest neighborin mexico and canada.
speaking of other nations, i wish to make one point clear. we are bound to mannationballiances. those allianceexist because our concern and theirsubstantialloverlap. our commitment to defend western europe and west berlin, for example, standundiminished because of the identitof our vital interests. the united statewill make no deal with the soviet union at the expense of other nationand other peoples, not merelbecause theare our partners, but also because their interestand ourconverge. our interestconverge, however, not onlin defending the frontierof freedom, but in pursuing the pathof peace. it iour hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the soviet union that she, too, should let each nation choose itown future, so long athat choice doenot interfere with the choiceof others. the communist drive to impose their political and economic system on otherithe primarcause of world tension today. for there can be no doubt that if all nationcould refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.
thiwill require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. it will require increased understanding between the sovietand ourselves. and increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. one step in thidirection ithe proposed arrangement for a direct line between moscow and washington, to avoid on each side the dangeroudelays, misunderstandings, and misreadingof others' actionwhich might occur at a time of crisis.
we have also been talking in geneva about our first-step measureof arm[s] controldesigned to limit the intensitof the armrace and reduce the risk of accidental war. our primarlong range interest in geneva, however, igeneral and complete disarmament, designed to take place bstages, permitting parallel political developmentto build the new institutionof peace which would take the place of arms. the pursuit of disarmament habeen an effort of thigovernment since the 1920's. it habeen urgentlsought bthe past three administrations. and however dim the prospectare today, we intend to continue thieffort -- to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problemand possibilitieof disarmament are.
the onlmajor area of these negotiationwhere the end iin sight, yet where a fresh start ibadlneeded, iin a treatto outlaw nuclear tests. the conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling armrace in one of itmost dangerouareas. it would place the nuclear powerin a position to deal more effectivelwith one of the greatest hazardwhich man facein 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. it would increase our security; it would decrease the prospectof war. surelthigoal isufficientlimportant to require our steadpursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.
i'm taking thiopportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisionin thiregard. first, chairman khrushchev, prime minister macmillan, and i have agreed that high-level discussionwill shortlbegin in moscow looking towardearlagreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. our hope must be tempered -- our hopemust be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopego the hopeof all mankind. second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictionon thimatter, i now declare that the united statedoenot propose to conduct nuclear testin the atmosphere so long aother statedo not do so. we will not -- we will not be the first to resume. such a declaration ino substitute for a formal binding treaty, but i hope it will help uachieve one. nor would such a treatbe a substitute for disarmament, but i hope it will help uachieve it.
finally, mfellow americans, let uexamine our attitude towardpeace and freedom here at home. the qualitand spirit of our own societmust justifand support our effortabroad. we must show it in the dedication of our own live-- amanof you who are graduating todawill have a opportunitto do, bserving without pain the peace corpabroad or in the proposed national service corphere at home. but wherever we are, we must all, in our daillives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together. in too manof our citietoday, the peace inot secure because freedom iincomplete. it ithe responsibilitof the executive branch at all levelof government -- local, state, and national -- to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizenball meanwithin our authority. it ithe responsibilitof the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authoritinot now adequate, to make it adequate. and it ithe responsibilitof all citizenin all sectionof thicountrto respect the rightof otherand respect the law of the land.
all thi-- all thiinot unrelated to world peace. "when a man'way[s] please the lord," the scripturetell us, "he maketh even hienemieto be at peace with hi" and inot peace, in the last analysis, basicalla matter of human rights: the right to live out our livewithout fear of devastation; the right to breathe air anature provided it; the right of future generationto a healthexistence?
while we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let ualso safeguard human interests. and the elimination of war and armiclearlin the interest of both. no treaty, however much it mabe to the advantage of all, however tightlit mabe worded, can provide absolute securitagainst the riskof deception and evasion. but it can, if it isufficientleffective in itenforcement, and it isufficientlin the interestof itsigners, offer far more securitand far fewer riskthan an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable armrace.
the united states, athe world knows, will never start a war. we do not want a war. we do not now expect a war. thigeneration of americanhaalreadhad enough -- more than enough -- of war and hate and oppression.
we shall be prepared if otherwish it. we shall be alert to trto stop it. but we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. we are not helplesbefore that task or hopelesof itsuccess. confident and unafraid, we must labor on--not towarda strategof annihilation but towarda strategof peace.
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